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Making Venezuela make sense. Get the latest updates and stories about Venezuela in English—delivered directly to your phone.

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Caracas Chronicles 🫓
Caracas Chronicles 🫓
2/14/2025, 4:36:48 PM

🫓 *Caracas Chronicles* | February 14, 2025 🚨 *No Consensus toward April’s “Mega Elections” | #NowWhatVenezuela* ↪️ _Share this report with your friends and family to keep them updated about events in Venezuela every week_ 📍 *_Read the full report in our website_* https://www.caracaschronicles.com/2025/02/14/no-consensus-toward-aprils-mega-elections/ 🗳️❓ *What the opposition is saying about the looming “mega elections”* Within the Venezuelan opposition, there is tension between those pushing to participate in tightly controlled and non-competitive elections—while Maduro continues to ban political activity in Venezuela—and the opposition’s limited experience in gaining ground outside electoral and international politics. María Corina Machado has called for a boycott of the so-called April 27 election, set to appoint new governors, national legislators and legislative councils. She insists that Venezuelans should only vote when the true results of the past presidential elections are recognized. She has also labeled politicians who “engage in that maneuver” as non-opposition, even though she still refers to April 27 as a milestone in the pursuit of political change. “This is a great opportunity to reaffirm our strength and relaunch an organization that exists and adapts to our reality,” Machado said in a recent interview. “That’s what we’re working on every day.” Alongside Machado and Vente Venezuela, the political parties Voluntad Popular, Primero Justicia, and Causa R are calling for abstention. On the other hand, Henrique Capriles (who remains barred from holding office) and the party Movimiento por Venezuela (MPV) were among the first to advocate for participation despite absurd conditions. Andrés Caleca, MPV’s candidate in the 2023 presidential primaries, defended the party’s stance and urged people “to confront this dictatorship in the scheduled elections and in any other.” MPV is still registered under the CNE, and was used to vote for Edmundo González on July 28. Un Nuevo Tiempo, also with an active registration, announced on Thursday that it “will not abandon the electoral roadmap” and called on other parties within the Unitary Platform to consult militants on what to do. Other groups, including Acción Democrática, are still considering whether to call for voter participation and present candidates. The Venezuelan Communist Party (PCV) told Efecto Cocuyo that it is exploring ways to “sneak in” candidates through platforms allowed by the CNE, both for the National Assembly and for governor and legislative council positions. Other dissident chavista groups that supported Enrique Márquez’s presidential bid also remain indecisive. *Why it matters:* The nomination period will take place between March 5th and 8th, and regime figures have stated that it will ban candidates linked to USAID funds and through the domestic Liberator Law. Candidates who manage to register will have to navigate a national context where campaign activists and polling station observers have been arrested and intimidated in recent months, while attempting to restore confidence in voting as an institution—at a time when the regime forces opponents to recognize any result issued by the CNE.

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Caracas Chronicles 🫓
Caracas Chronicles 🫓
2/16/2025, 6:40:13 PM

🚨 *Y Ahora Qué, Venezuela | Conversaciones sobre Economía, Política, Periodismo y Cultura* 🚨 🫓 _Un evento de Caracas Chronicles_ 🫓 🗓️ *Fecha:* sábado 22 de febrero 📍 *Lugar:* Manuel Artime Theater, Miami 🕕 *Hora:* 10:00 AM ⁉️ *¿Y ahora qué?* ⁉️ Después de las elecciones presidenciales del 28 de julio los venezolanos, tanto en el país como alrededor del mundo, quedaron aguantando la respiración después de que las autoridades no reconocieron el resultado. Seis meses después no hemos exhalado. 2025 empieza convulsionado, en Venezuela y en otras partes del mundo. En este evento intentaremos construir una conversación para entender dónde estamos como nación y como gente, y hacia dónde vamos. ¿Fácil, no? No. Pero será una gran oportunidad para reunirnos con los lectores de Caracas Chronicles en Miami (y sus amigos), escuchar ideas fuera de la caja sobre Venezuela, tomar café y pasar una mañana diferente. 🎟️ *Tickets:* 🎟️ Puedes conseguir tus entradas en el link de este mensaje. Verás que incluimos opciones para donaciones (hay un casilla donde puedes aportar desde $5 hasta $5000). Esto ayudará a financiar el periodismo independiente en Venezuela y el evento en sí. También pusimos una opción disponible para quienes no puedan donar pero no quieren pelarse el evento. 📩 _Si quieres asistir al evento de forma gratuita, escríbenos a [email protected]_ 🎙️ *¿Quiénes vienen?* 🎙️ 🗳️ En la *Mesa 1* discutiremos qué dejó la tormenta del 28 de julio con *Sary Levy*, Individuo de Número de la Academia Nacional de Ciencias Económicas de Venezuela; *Andrés Riebman*, internacionalista del Americas Society; y *Eugenio Martínez*, periodista experto en elecciones ⌛ En la *Mesa 2* vamos a explorar cuánto hay de pasado en un presente cada vez más distópico, con *Carlos Lizarralde*, autor de _Venezuela’s Collapse: The Long History of How Thing Fell Apart_; María Isabel Puerta Riera, politóloga y profesora en Colorado State University Global, autora de _Crisis de la democracia: ¿en el umbral de la posdemocracia?_; y *Rafael Osío Cabrices*, editor jefe de Caracas Chronicles y autor de _Venezuela: memorias de un futuro perdido_. 🗞️ En la *Mesa 3* hablaremos de cómo se cuenta esta historia y se hace periodismo en esta etapa, con *Ronna Rísquez*, autora de _El Tren de Aragua: la banda que revolucionó el crimen organizado en América Latina_; *Juan Andrés Ravell*, director de _A Dangerous Assignment_ y fundador de El Chigüire Bipolar; y César Batiz, periodista, cofundador y director de El Pitazo. Moderará Raúl Stolk, director de Caracas Chronicles. ✒️ Cerraremos en la *Mesa 4* discutiendo cómo se está construyendo cultura desde fuera de Venezuela, con *Camilo Pino*, escritor y autor de las novelas _Crema paraíso_ y _Valle Zamuro_; *Adriana Meneses*, curadora e investigadora de arte venezolano contemporáneo; y *Héctor Molina*, cuatrista, compositor, profesor de música y miembro de C4 Trío. Moderará *Luciana Kube*, comunicadora, músico e investigadora sobre literatura y música. https://ticketplate.com/checkout/caracas-chronicles-y-ahora-que-venezuela-miami-2502221000?fbclid=PAY2xjawIZh9VleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABpsVV6pXtyrkuoESzukCsASfgVjHbCpjD3MFOA5HG-fBQI88lQculGDy6fw_aem_KXOecoy30OhHKK154tU_Xw

Caracas Chronicles 🫓
Caracas Chronicles 🫓
1/31/2025, 4:59:41 PM

🫓 *Caracas Chronicles* | January 31, 2025 🚨 *An Election to Ban Them All, a Reform to Empower Few | #NowWhatVenezuela* ↪️ _Share this report with your friends and family to keep them updated about events in Venezuela every week_ 📍 *_Read the full issue in our website_* https://www.caracaschronicles.com/2025/01/31/nwv-16-an-election-to-ban-them-all-a-reform-to-empower-few/ 🗳️ *What we know about "mega elections" and Communal State reform* ❌ On April 27, Venezuela will hold elections for governors, legislative councils, and lawmakers under far worse conditions than just six months ago. At the same time, the regime is advancing its vision of the Communal State, a project Chávez promoted before passing in 2013 (this Sunday, for instance, another referendum will take place to approve communal projects). This is not just another election under dictatorship, nor are these trivial reforms for everyday life. Chavismo aims to paint Venezuela’s political and territorial map in red, swiftly and effectively eliminating dissent while favoring individuals tied to communal circuits. 🗓️ *Key takeaways about the first elections of 2025:* - To no one’s surprise, candidates must sign a document pledging to accept as absolute and unquestionable any results announced by the CNE. Francisco Ameliach, spokesperson for the PSUV’s Political and Electoral Organization, ruled out the possibility of the opposition’s MUD appearing on the ballot and stated that only political platforms that obtained at least 1% of the vote in the 2020 parliamentary elections would be allowed to participate this time. Maduro’s Liberator Law will also be used to ban dissidents from running. - The announcement comes with barely three months' notice, despite the logistical challenge of combining three different elections into a single date. - Instead of publishing an official notice, the schedule for the mega-elections is being distributed to people via an Excel file on WhatsApp, while the CNE website has been down since July 28 (when Amoroso accused North Macedonia of hacking the institution). - The Electoral Registry will be open for less than two weeks and will close on February 10, suggesting that the distribution of voters across nationwide polling stations will remain largely unchanged from July 28. “The [true and direct democracy] Chávez dreamed of is becoming a reality,” Maduro said regarding Sunday’s communal referendum. “I have the money. And we are releasing the funds to implement these projects.” 🔺 *The Communal State: an attempt to resurrect vintage chavista governance* Rafael Uzcátegui, director of Laboratorio de Paz, analyzed the reform of the Organic Law of Communes or Ley de Comunas, which came into effect on December 30, 2024. Here are some key points: - The legal text states that communes have assumed the responsibilities of local and regional governments—such as management, administration, the control of public services, and public works—but doesn’t explain their relationship with mayoralties and governorships. - A commune can be established with just 15% voter participation in an electoral center, though only the Ministry for Citizen Participation can approve its registration. - Commune representatives can be removed if they engage in “hate speech” or “fascist discourse,” as defined by the regime. - The reform establishes a “commune bank” to transfer funds to the executive council of each commune, though it does not specify the source of these funds. According to Uzcátegui, the revival of the Communal State seeks to reinforce two traditional pillars of chavista governance: 1) existing mechanisms of social control within communities and 2) the creation of more parallel structures to manage and distribute state resources. Most crucially, the reform aims to preserve chavismo’s social base—specifically, the 30% of voters who supported Maduro on July 28. *Why it matters:* In the July 28 presidential election, Maduro won in just 15% of Venezuela’s parishes—169 out of 1,141. These are areas where the PSUV secures votes through the likes of guerrilla groups, armed colectivos, security forces, CLAP food programs, UbCH, and other allied actors who exert clientelist pressure. A recent report from the Derechos Humanos de Venezuela en Movimiento alliance analyzed 133 parishes where Edmundo González lost, finding that vote buying, coercion, food incentives, and threats of job loss were widespread.

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