https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/2025/05/28/zimbabwes-election-postponement-designed-to-let-the-corrupt-tighten-their-grip-on-power/ *_PLEASE SHARE_* *Zimbabwe’s election postponement designed to let the corrupt tighten their grip on power* _BY Tendai Ruben Mbofana_ *IF anyone still harbored doubts about Zimbabwe’s slide into authoritarianism, the latest machinations by President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s loyalists should lay those doubts to rest.* The recent proposal, allegedly tabled before Cabinet by Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, seeks to amend the Constitution to allow a one-time extension of presidential, parliamentary, and council terms by up to three years—effectively postponing the 2028 general elections. The stated reasons are to “enhance governance stability,” “align electoral cycles,” and “foster continuity in implementing national development policies.” But no amount of political spin can mask the reality: this is a blatant and dangerous assault on Zimbabwe’s constitutional democracy. Elections are the lifeblood of any functioning democracy. They are not an inconvenience to be deferred in the name of administrative ease or so-called policy continuity. *_To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08_* The 2013 Constitution, crafted through an extensive consultative process and overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum, clearly limits terms of office to five years and two terms for the president. Presidential term limits are firmly established in two distinct provisions. Section 91(2) stipulates that “a person is disqualified for election as President if he or she has already held office as President under this Constitution for two terms.” Additionally, Section 95(1) sets the duration of each term, stating that “the President and Vice-Presidents hold office for a period of five years.” These clauses, taken together, make it unambiguously clear that no individual may serve more than two five-year terms as President, and that these terms are fixed and non-renewable beyond what the Constitution explicitly allows. These provisions are not suggestions—they are legally binding guarantees meant to protect citizens from the very abuses we are now witnessing. But this proposal is not only politically immoral—it is legally indefensible. Zimbabwe’s Constitution is unambiguous on the timing of elections. Section 158(1)(a) requires that “a general election must be held so that polling takes place not more than thirty days before the expiry of the five-year period.” In other words, general elections are constitutionally fixed and cannot be arbitrarily delayed. Moreover, Section 328 lays down stringent safeguards to protect the Constitution from self-serving amendments. Subsection (5) makes it clear that “a Bill to amend a term-limit provision... must be approved by a national referendum,” and Subsection (7) states emphatically that “a person occupying an office to which a term-limit provision applies may not benefit from the amendment.” That means even if this amendment is passed by Parliament with the required two-thirds majority, it must go to a referendum—and cannot benefit Mnangagwa or any current officeholder. To bypass these conditions is to defy the Constitution outright. To argue that this is a one-time exception is to insult the intelligence of Zimbabweans. Constitutionalism is not about convenience; it is about principle. It is about ensuring that those in power cannot change the rules to suit their personal ambitions. To amend the Constitution in a way that extends the tenure of sitting office bearers without consulting the people is to betray the very foundation of the republic. The government’s argument that postponing elections will provide the necessary “stability” to advance long-term development is both deceptive and cynical. Stability does not come from undermining constitutionalism. It comes from respecting the rule of law, building strong institutions, and cultivating trust between the state and the citizenry. Far from fostering unity, delaying elections risks triggering unrest, eroding already fragile democratic institutions, and further polarizing a disillusioned population. Equally hollow is the claim about aligning electoral cycles. Zimbabwe already holds harmonized elections where presidential, parliamentary, and local authority votes occur simultaneously every five years. There is no misalignment to speak of. What this amendment would do is disrupt the established rhythm of democratic accountability and extend the tenure of an unpopular leadership through legal gymnastics. Beneath the official justifications lies what many Zimbabweans recognize as the real motive: an unrepentant greed for power, likely driven by President Emmerson Mnangagwa himself. According to the Constitution, Mnangagwa is expected to step down in 2028 after completing his two five-year terms. The proposed postponement of elections is not about national development or governance stability—it is about creating the legal and political space for Mnangagwa to continue ruling under the pretense of continuity and stability. What makes this move particularly suspicious is its timing and the broader political undercurrents within ZANU-PF itself. Far from being a response to any viable opposition threat—there is none at present—this appears to be an internal power play to sideline Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, who has long been viewed as the natural successor to Mnangagwa. The two men’s alliance, forged during the 2017 coup that ousted Robert Mugabe, has always been one of uneasy cohabitation rather than deep mutual trust. Chiwenga, a powerful figure within the military establishment and a Zezuru by tribe, stands as a threat to Mnangagwa’s efforts to shape the post-2028 political order. Herein lies the heart of the succession battle. Mnangagwa and his inner circle are believed to be working to prepare their preferred successor—controversial businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei. Tagwirei is not only deeply loyal to Mnangagwa and a major financier of the ruling party; he also represents a confluence of personal, tribal, and economic interests that align with the ambitions of the current elite. But the story runs even deeper. There are tribal shenanigans at play—something not new in ZANU-PF, a party long shaped by tribal politics. When Mnangagwa took over from Robert Mugabe, a Zezuru, in 2017, he embarked on a feverish campaign to fill key positions in his government and the party with his fellow Karanga tribesmen. This deliberate realignment was not coincidental; it reflected an entrenched belief within the Mnangagwa camp that the Zezuru had had their turn in power and that leadership should now firmly reside in the hands of the Karanga. This tribal calculus makes the presence of Constantino Chiwenga—a Zezuru—all the more problematic for Mnangagwa’s circle. Despite Chiwenga’s critical role in ushering in the post-Mugabe dispensation, his ethnic identity has become a silent disqualifier in the eyes of those who believe that power must remain Karanga. This is precisely where Kudakwashe Tagwirei enters the succession equation. Tagwirei, also a Karanga, is increasingly seen as the “acceptable” candidate to take over from Mnangagwa—not because of leadership acumen or public legitimacy, but because of tribal affiliation and loyalty to the current power structure. There is, however, another equally sinister layer. Tagwirei is not just Karanga—he is also widely regarded as one of the “Zvigananda,” a term used in Zimbabwean political discourse to describe those who have amassed immense wealth through questionable or corrupt means, particularly via shady public procurement processes. This loosely defined group includes several of Mnangagwa’s close allies who have benefitted from opaque, highly lucrative state contracts and now wield disproportionate economic and political influence. For them, Tagwirei represents more than a tribal or political ally—he is a protective shield. A Tagwirei presidency would offer continuity of access to state resources, immunity from prosecution, and insulation from any future reforms that might threaten their ill-gotten wealth. In this sense, the push to postpone elections serves a dual purpose: it grants Mnangagwa time to sideline Chiwenga, while cementing a succession plan that protects the entrenched elite and guarantees their uninterrupted exploitation of public coffers. This is the real story behind the push to amend the Constitution. It is not a national interest issue—it is a personal interest issue, masked in the language of governance. And if allowed to pass, it will confirm not only Zimbabwe’s full descent into authoritarianism, but also the use of legal instruments to cement dynastic-style control, where the future leadership is not determined by the people, nor even by the ruling party’s internal processes, but by one man’s ambitions. The implications are grave. If Parliament endorses this proposal, it will be complicit in betraying the very people it purports to represent. A dangerous precedent will be set—one in which constitutional provisions can be altered not to advance democracy, but to entrench personal power and protect corrupt interests. Zimbabweans fought too long and too hard for the right to vote regularly, freely, and fairly. This was a right won through blood, sacrifice, and a bitter liberation struggle—not handed down freely. Undermining this right is not just unconstitutional—it is a betrayal of the very foundation upon which the nation was built. That right is now under direct threat. Elections are not a technicality. They are a cornerstone of freedom, a safeguard against tyranny, and a moment when power is returned to its rightful owner—the people. To postpone them in service of a narrow, self-serving elite is to spit in the face of the Constitution and the millions who believed in its promise. This proposed amendment must be rejected, loudly and without hesitation. Because democracy delayed is not just democracy denied—it is democracy dismantled. *_● Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: [email protected], or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/_*