https://cite.org.zw/king-mzilikazi-day-2025-exclusion-is-the-bane-of-a-nation-inclusion-its-only-cure/. By Prince of Mthwakazi – Bongani M Mkwananzi The founding of isizwe sikaMthwakazi stands as one of the most strategic nation-building projects in precolonial southern Africa. But at its heart lies a contradiction: the nation was born out of an act of exclusion, yet it thrived through radical inclusion. King Mzilikazi kaMashobane, once one of King Shaka’s most trusted generals, found himself at odds with the Zulu monarch over a disputed herd of inkomo ezilibhidi, a rare and symbolically significant type of cattle. Refusing to hand them over, Mzilikazi severed ties and left the Zulu kingdom he had helped build. This act of self-exclusion was not merely rebellion, it was the genesis of a new nation. As he crossed rivers and borders, Mzilikazi built isizwe not through conquest alone, but by incorporating and protecting diverse ethnic groups. The Lozwi, Kalanga, Nyubi, Venda, Sotho, Shangani, and many others found in him not a destroyer but a unifier. Mzilikazi often allowed these groups to retain their local leadership, integrated their customs, and in some cases brought their leaders into his inner council. Governance was based not on tribal domination but on a form of inclusion rooted in trust, loyalty, and merit. It was this inclusive model that turned a band of migrants into a powerful and coherent kingdom. However, the stability of Mthwakazi was tested during the kingdom’s great trek. When the nation split into two groups, one following the Limpopo route and the other through Botswana, the seeds of fragmentation were sown. The group that arrived earlier at Budlabunondo (present-day Matabeleland) feared going too long without inxwala, the sacred First Fruits ceremony. Out of spiritual necessity and survival instincts, they crowned Prince Nkulumane, believing King Mzilikazi was lost or dead. But when Mzilikazi finally arrived and learned what had transpired, his response was swift and severe. He punished izinduna who had installed Nkulumane, some were executed, others exiled. Nkulumane himself was sent back ezansi to his maternal relatives. Whether this was an act of mercy or another form of exclusion remains debated. But the impact was profound: it fractured loyalties and left a trail of silent tensions that would later manifest again. The first major internal rift in isizwe sikaMthwakazi stemmed from this exclusion. Later, when Lobengula was chosen as king, despite the presence of older royal siblings and the lingering legacy of Nkulumane, the unresolved tension resurfaced. Figures like Mbiko Masuku, whose allegiance lay with the Nkulumane line, resisted Lobengula’s rule. Some of this resistance stemmed from fears of continued marginalisation in a royal house that now seemed more guarded, more exclusive. Colonial intervention intensified these fractures. After amaqhinga amakhiwa (colonial schemes) tricked the kingdom into treaties, King Lobengula vanished under the pressure of betrayal and war. His sons, including Alban Njube, were sent to the Cape “for education,” but in reality, it was exile. Rhodes’ manipulation disguised exclusion as opportunity. Njube, once seen as the future of the nation, died far from home—excluded from the people, the throne, and the land. Today, 152 years later, the same thread continues to weave through the Mthwakazi question. The Zimbabwean government’s attempt to sideline the royal revival by labeling Bulelani, a descendant of King Lobengula, as a foreigner echoes Rhodesian-era exclusionary tactics. Just as Njube was denied full access to his heritage, today’s efforts to revive ubukhosi face resistance disguised as legal procedure but driven by political discomfort with an empowered Mthwakazi identity. The consequences are real: cultural expression is policed, historical recognition diluted, and opportunity structures in the modern state still reflect the hierarchies established through exclusion. The Unity Accord of 1987, presented as a reconciliatory act, was born from exclusion, particularly of the Ndebele people during Gukurahundi. Its forced nature created a framework where inclusion was commanded, not consented to. Today, visible symbols of national identity, the Zimbabwean ruins, state monuments, official languages, over-represent Shona heritage and under-represent the diverse cultures that make up the country, including the Ndebele. What should have been a plural, inclusive identity instead feels imposed, leading to a silent marginalization that continues to fester. Even within the Ndebele aristocracy, debates over the rightful heir to the throne have been marred by fears of being left out. In some cases, individuals position themselves not necessarily out of malice, but out of fear: the fear of being in the fringe, the fear of missing out on the return of a powerful isizwe, of being consigned to the shadows of history as a new king arises. What is to be done? There is only one answer: inclusion. If ubukhosi is to rise again with dignity and stability, it must reflect the spirit of uMzilikazi, not just in name but in method. No person or tribe, no elder or youth, should feel excluded from this great cultural reawakening. Those responsible for shaping the future of isizwe sikaMthwakazi must ensure that every hand feels called, every name recognized, and every contribution valued. This is not only a political necessity, it is cultural healing. Inclusion restores umoya wesizwe. It unlocks economic opportunity, identity pride, cultural tourism, and collective dignity. Only a united, inclusive Mthwakazi can thrive in the modern world. Let King Mzilikazi Day 2025 remind us that exclusion is the disease that weakens nations, and inclusion is the only true medicine. Let it be a day not just of celebration, but of renewal, of correcting history’s wounds and walking together into a future where no one is ever left behind. *Independent journalism takes time, resources, and dedication,* *but we do it because your perspective matters.* *Support our work. Donate today* : *https://cite.org.zw/support-local-news/*