*Evening News Round-up: Thursday 29 May 2025* *Headlines* *ZANU PF Will Not Allow Power To Stay In The Family, Says Mutsvangwa* *ED In Sleepless Nights Over Term Extension: Mutsvangwa* *Businessmen Welcome In ZANU PF, But Not To Chase Top Posts – Mutsvangwa* *Give Us Jobs, Moneychangers, Touts Respond To Government Crackdown* *Nelson Chamisa ‘Roars’ About His Comeback* *Snooker Tax: Businesses Must Pay US$80 To Operate Snooker Tables* *After Pocketing $100K from Wicknell Chivayo, Greedy Prophet Ian Ndlovu Demands $8000 More From Congregants for Land Transfer for his church* *Xenophobic Attacks Are Back...Four Dead In South Africa's Eastern Cape* *How Paris Saint-Germain Lost Mbappe, Neymar and Messi – And Became Better Team* Join our *Ad-free* News Channel: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VacXkvFJJhzd2UoZYF1F *Stories in Detail:* *ZANU PF Will Not Allow Power To Stay In The Family, Says Mutsvangwa* ZANU PF members and war veterans will not allow the party’s leadership to be turned into a family dynasty, according to the party’s national spokesperson, Christopher Mutsvangwa. Speaking to journalists on Tuesday, 27 May, at the party headquarters in Harare, Mutsvangwa said former President Robert Mugabe was removed from office because he tried to pass power to his wife, Grace. He added that, unlike Mugabe, who thought he was bigger than the revolution, President Emmerson Mnangagwa respects the Constitution. Said Mutsvangwa: When the time came that a leader was no longer serving a revolution, we removed them, and our people supported the war even when leaders were removed because they had tried to be entitled to the revolution; we dispense with such a kind of leadership. Whenever a leader tries to become bigger than the revolution, we deal with him because that is the tradition of ZANU PF. The reason why President Mugabe had to be removed along the way was that he had decided to create a dynasty in this country, so he was moving with his succession agenda outside the context of the Zimbabwean people. He had turned his house and household into a courthouse of intrigue against the Constitution of Zimbabwe, which is what then led those who had put him in power originally, the war veterans, to remove him. If you begin to subvert the will of the people yourself as Head of State, there is a difference between President Emmerson Mnangagwa saying I am a constitutionalist and I follow the Constitution, from Mugabe saying my wife becomes the new queen when I am gone. The ruling ZANU PF party is facing internal tensions over plans by some members to extend Mnangagwa’s tenure beyond the constitutionally mandated two terms. Mnangagwa is currently serving his final term, and other party members support his deputy, Constantino Chiwenga, to take over in 2028. Although Mnangagwa has said he respects the Constitution and intends to leave after his term ends, he has not publicly disavowed those calling for an extension. *Newsday* *ED In Sleepless Nights Over Term Extension: Mutsvangwa* PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa is having sleepless nights over calls by Zanu PF supporters for the extension of his term of office beyond 2028, the party’s national spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa has said. The ruling Zanu PF party is shaking from internal strife over attempts to push Mnangagwa’s term extension beyond the constitutionally-mandated two terms. Mutsvangwa spent close to an hour during a Press conference at the Zanu PF headquarters, telling journalists that Mnangagwa is loved by the people. “What I was talking about in the past 45 minutes was that the President is delivering on the mandate of prosperity, which he was given by the people of Zimbabwe, because that’s what they want. Mutsvangwa, who led the fight to oust late former President Robert Mugabe from office in 2017, said war veterans always acted to remove rogue leaders from power when they deviated from their constitutional mandate. Seen as harbouring presidential ambitions, Mutsvangwa refused to disclose if he is eyeing the presidency, adding that the race to State House would be announced at the end of Mnangagwa’s term. *Newsday* *Businessmen Welcome In ZANU PF, But Not To Chase Top Posts – Mutsvangwa* ZANU PF spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa has said that while anyone, including businessmen, is free to join the ruling party, it won’t tolerate those who come in to grab key positions. His comments follow reports that businessman Kudakwashe Tagwirei, who was recently nominated for the party’s Central Committee by ZANU PF’s Harare Province, harbours ambitions of becoming the party’s president and first secretary. Speaking to journalists on Tuesday, 27 May, at the party’s headquarters in Harare, Mutsvangwa said there was nothing wrong with a businessman joining the party, but warned against those entering with political motives. He said: Anybody is free to join ZANU PF whether be a businessman, whether you be a farmer, whatever, so if businessman in their numbers begin to gravitate towards the party we applaud that, we like it because a businessman produces goods and services which make him rich further than an individual person, so there is nothing wrong a businessman coming into the party. If certain provinces feel that, that person should become a central committee member and they set their recommendations, the party will consider those resolutions and it will come out with an appropriate decision. Mutsvangwa, however, added that what wouldn’t be right is a businessman saying, “I’m joining the party so I can get this or that position.” He said: What will be wrong is to say we are getting into the party so that I can become that and that post, that I can become the president because that is not the purpose of joining the party, the purpose of joining the party is to follow the constitution of the party and see to it that when succession or when the succession is done by votes that you comply with the terms of that party. But if you come on a ticket that I want power the people may see through what you want and that becomes a challenge, hopefully all the businessman entrance who will come, they come to say we want to serve the party not to serve themselves, because serving themselves will not take them anywhere in ZANU PF I can vouch for that, just like presidents who went haywire we removed them. ZANU PF will winnow out any people who may have hidden ambitions other than following the structures of the ZANU PF. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s second and final five-year term ends in 2028. As things stand, he will step down, and ZANU PF will need to pick his successor ahead of the 2028 general elections *Give Us Jobs, Moneychangers, Touts Respond To Government Crackdown* Masvingo – As the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) rolled out their four-day blitz against informal traders, touts, and moneychangers under the “Restore Sanity” campaign, those targeted have hit back—accusing the government of criminalizing poverty and failing to create jobs. The operation, which began on May 28 and continues until May 31, has seen police and municipal officials descend on ExorMart Garage in Rujeko, a hotspot for informal economic activity. Touts have been arrested, vendors displaced, and unregistered vehicles impounded. But the people being removed from the streets say the state is targeting survival, not crime. “We’re not here by choice. There are no jobs. The government has failed us, and now they treat us like criminals for trying to eat,” said a 32-year-old illegal moneychanger who asked to be identified only as Tinashe. The police say the operation aims to restore public order by clearing illegal vendors, unlicensed taxis, and moneychangers who they claim are causing congestion and harassing the public. “It has been noted with concern the unruly behavior being exhibited by touts disrupting the smooth flow of traffic and harassing members of the public at ExorMart Garage,” said a police statement. However, informal traders argue that the crackdown is heavy-handed and unfairly targets the poor. “They come here with baton sticks and take our tomatoes, meat, everything. Why not give us proper markets first before chasing us like animals?” said 45-year-old vendor Mai Rudo. The government has justified the campaign by citing multiple violations of the law, including breaches of the Road Traffic Act, Public Health Act, and local by-laws. Health inspectors were deployed to assess food safety, particularly around meat being sold without refrigeration or inspection. “Big chefs sell expired food in shops and nothing happens. But when we try to feed our families, we are the ones arrested,” said Mai Rudo. Touts operating unregistered commuter vehicles, known locally as mushika-shika, have also been hit hard. Several have been arrested or fined during police patrols. They say we are causing chaos but people use our cars. Give us jobs or affordable taxis, then maybe we’ll stop,” said one tout. The ZRP insists its operation is lawful and necessary. Officers have been instructed to conduct stop-and-search operations, inspect business premises, and remain professional at all times. “This is about restoring peace, safety, and dignity to our streets,” said a senior police official. “Officers have been told not to accept bribes or abuse citizens.” The operation comes just days after the fatal stabbing of a Masvingo Polytechnic student at Ndarama High School, an incident that police say highlighted the need for greater control of public spaces. But those in the informal sector say the crackdown is misdirected. “You can’t police your way out of poverty. We need solutions, not raids,” said Tinashe, the moneychanger. *Nelson Chamisa ‘Roars’ About His Comeback* Chamisa recently broke his silence with a bold social media post that caught the attention of followers like Siya and Rachel. He wrote, “Don’t judge me on the basis of the Old or the Now testament. You don’t know what is to come!” This cryptic but confident message signals a powerful comeback. Chamisa hinted at a political transformation—one he believes will redefine Zimbabwe’s future. The post declared that life moves through three testaments: Old, Now, and New. Chamisa urged followers to look beyond his past actions. He warned critics not to judge him prematurely. “My New Testament is,” he proclaimed. These words lit up social media and sparked fresh excitement among supporters. Clearly, Chamisa believes his return will shake the political landscape. His faith in himself is unshaken. As Zimbabwe watches and waits, one thing is clear—Nelson Chamisa isn’t done yet. Zimbabweans respond After Nelson Chamisa shared a post hinting about his strong comeback to active politics, Zimbabweans had divided opinions. @Takanatswa Mulenga “Prezo motikuvadzisa neku defender😂😂” @𝖗𝔂𝖆𝖆𝖓库德 🌹🧸 “The future is bright president 🔥 @adv.nelsonchamisa 💪 . We not giving up” @Nicholas Bimha “Hamusi kumhanyiswa henyu gadzirisai chirungu tinzwisise. We don’t what??” @Mugo Power “President imbovuyai tidle magwazhava tichibwereketa dzepasichigare 🍈🍈🍈” @Liberty Vheremu “Chokwadi ndechekut haafe akaita president nomatter how much we love him we always gonna be disappointed at some point” *Snooker Tax: Businesses Must Pay US$80 To Operate Snooker Tables* Businesses operating snooker tables in must ensure they settle their annual tariff payments by May 30, 2025, or risk prohibition of operations, according to a formal notice issued by the Hwange Local Board. The Board, through a letter signed by Town Secretary N. Mdlalose, announced that an annual fee of USD 80.50, inclusive of Value Added Tax, is required for the continued operation of snooker tables within business premises. The payment is mandated under local by-laws and sections 269 to 272 of the Urban Councils Act (Chapter 29:15). The notice warns that failure to comply with the May 30, 2025, deadline will result in the immediate cessation of snooker table operations, urging businesses to act swiftly to remain in compliance. The statement reads: We wish to inform you that an annual tariff of USD 80.50, inclusive of Value Added Tax, is due for the operation of a snooker table at your premises. This payment is required in accordance with Hwange Local Board’s by-laws and Sections 269 to 272 of the Urban Councils Act (Chapter 29:15). Please be advised that failure to make this payment by Monday, 30 May 2025, will leave Council with no option but to prohibit the continued operation of the snooker table(s). *After Pocketing $100K from Wicknell Chivayo, Greedy Prophet Ian Ndlovu Demands $8000 More From Congregants for Land Transfer for his church* Bulawayo-based preacher Prophet Ian Ndlovu of Divine Kingdom Baptist Ministries is under fire after asking his congregants to fork out an additional US$8,000 to cover the cost of transferring land title deeds to the name of his church — just weeks after receiving a US$100,000 “donation” from controversial businessman Wicknell Chivayo. In a video address to his followers, Ndlovu explained that the money was needed to complete the legal process of consolidating and officially registering the church’s land. He cited fluctuating costs from the Deeds Office and the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA), saying: “The rough calculation that was made by our lawyers is that we need approximately $8,000… depending on the charges at the tax revenue office… and also at the register of deeds office. We need to urgently raise that money to protect the interests of our community of believers who have contributed so much.” But the appeal has sparked outrage and confusion, with many questioning why church members are being asked to fund basic administrative fees after Ndlovu was handed a massive cash injection from a man under international money laundering investigation. “What happened to the $100,000?” many churchgoers and commentators are now asking. Wasn’t that gift meant to cover critical costs like land ownership, infrastructure, and legal regularization? Instead, congregants — many of whom are ordinary Zimbabweans struggling under economic hardship — are now being pressured to urgently raise thousands of dollars for a land deed that should have been budgeted for long ago, especially in light of Chivayo’s so-called donation. Critics argue that the sudden financial urgency appears exploitative, particularly given the Prophet’s public association with one of Zimbabwe’s most controversial businessmen. *A PATTERN OF PROPHETS AND PLUNDER* This development follows a pattern in which religious leaders accept large sums from political elites and wealthy tenderpreneurs, only to shift additional costs onto their congregations under the guise of “protecting the church.” Whether knowingly or not, Prophet Ian Ndlovu now finds himself caught in the storm of a broader scandal: the intersection of state corruption, religious laundering, and financial manipulation of believers. *Xenophobic Attacks Are Back...Four Dead In South Africa's Eastern Cape* Xenophobic attacks in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, on Sunday left four people dead and ten others injured, forcing hundreds of immigrants, including women and children, to take shelter outside the Addo Police Station. Warrant Officer Majola Nkohli said the violence followed the killing of a South African man on Saturday night at a tavern in Valencia Township, Addo. The man was allegedly stabbed by a foreign national. By Sunday, revenge attacks had broken out, with immigrants being randomly targeted. Speaking to GroundUp, one immigrant, who asked to remain anonymous, claimed that a group of locals went door to door in areas where foreigners lived, kicking down doors and assaulting anyone they found inside. Said the immigrant: A group of locals went around mobilising other residents to come to a meeting where foreigners were barred from attending. Soon after that violence started. Angry locals moved around kicking doors where foreigners were residing and beating anyone in sight. Kevin Mapurisa, a Zimbabwean community leader who’s lived in the township for over 15 years, described the violence as “like something out of a bloody Hollywood film.” He added: We have been staying peacefully with locals for all these years. I have never experienced this type of violence. Women and children were chased from their homes and had to sleep in the bush and in ditches. They could not make their way to the police station as the violent crowd went house to house hunting for any foreigners. Anyway Hlungwani sustained serious injuries after being attacked in his home. When he spoke to GroundUp, he was struggling to talk due to severe pain. He recounted how a violent crowd burst into his room and began assaulting him with iron bars and a sledgehammer. Hlungwani was treated at Kirkwood Hospital and discharged on Monday, but he has not yet been able to return home. Francis Mawire, a truck driver for a citrus company in Addo who lives in Valencia with his wife and four children, said he became alarmed after receiving disturbing messages from his wife and friends while returning from a church meeting in Bloemfontein on Sunday. He said: The messages kept flooding from my frightened wife that they were being chased away. I felt powerless. I advised them to go to the police station before the situation got worse. Vimbai Chiware, a single mother of three, said she wants to send her children back to Zimbabwe for their safety, but she can’t afford to. She has been working on a farm in Addo for the past seven years. Said Chiware: We left the house with nothing because the mob was baying for our blood. I don’t know when the situation will end, and the weather is very cold. Chris Mapingure, chairman of the Zimbabwe Migrants Support Network, said his organisation is overwhelmed by the sheer number of people in need of assistance. *Bonyongwe Triggered 2017 Coup: Mutsvangwa* The dramatic military coup that ousted the late President Robert Mugabe in November 2017 was triggered by none other than his former top spy and Justice Minister, Retired Lieutenant General Happyton Bonyongwe, according to the ruling Zanu PF party. Party spokesperson Christopher Mutsvangwa has sensationally claimed that Bonyongwe’s actions and political manoeuvres were the final straw that led the military to intervene and force Mugabe out of power after nearly four decades at the helm. Mutsvangwa also accused Mugabe of abandoning the ideals of the liberation struggle, branding him a “dynastic pretender” who had ceased to serve the revolution and was instead trying to hand over power to his wife, Grace Mugabe. *A Coup Years in the Making* The events of November 2017 marked a turning point in Zimbabwe’s post-independence history. Long-simmering tensions between rival factions within the ruling party, and particularly between the military and the so-called G40 faction aligned with Grace Mugabe, exploded into the open. At the centre of the storm was Mugabe’s succession. For years, speculation swirled over who would take over after the aging leader. Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa, a liberation war stalwart with strong ties to the military, was long seen as the natural successor. But Grace Mugabe’s rapid political rise—backed by a younger faction of technocrats and party elites—threatened to upend that trajectory. A few weeks before the coup, Mnangagwa was expelled from both government and Zanu PF, accused of disloyalty and plotting against Mugabe. He fled the country, reportedly with military assistance, and issued a defiant statement promising to return. Back in Harare, Mugabe reshuffled his Cabinet and appointed Bonyongwe—then the director-general of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)—as Minister of Justice. This move was widely interpreted as an attempt to consolidate power and further weaken the influence of the military, which remained loyal to Mnangagwa. It was against this backdrop that Mutsvangwa now claims Bonyongwe moved to arrest top army commanders, a step that the Zimbabwe Defence Forces viewed as a direct threat to national stability and their institutional survival. *Operation Restore Legacy* On 15 November 2017, tanks rolled into Harare. The Zimbabwe Defence Forces, led by then-General Constantino Chiwenga, launched what they called Operation Restore Legacy. Mugabe was placed under house arrest, and a series of dramatic negotiations unfolded behind closed doors. Despite attempts by South African mediators and Catholic clergy to broker a dignified exit, Mugabe refused to step down. It was only after Zanu PF initiated impeachment proceedings in Parliament, and amid massive public demonstrations, that he finally resigned on 21 November 2017. Mnangagwa returned from exile and was sworn in as president days later. *Legacy of the Coup* While Zanu PF portrays the coup as a necessary correction to safeguard the legacy of the liberation struggle, critics see it as a thinly veiled power grab that simply replaced one faction of elites with another. The role of Bonyongwe, long a shadowy figure in Zimbabwe’s security state, has remained murky—until now. Mutsvangwa’s remarks suggest that internal battles among security chiefs and Bonyongwe’s alleged overreach may have catalysed the events that brought an end to Mugabe’s long rule. *How Paris Saint-Germain Lost Mbappe, Neymar and Messi – And Became Better Team* Rewind to September 2023. Reporters are asking Luis Enrique, who is preparing for his first Champions League game at Paris Saint-Germain, what they demand of every PSG head coach. “Can this PSG team win the Champions League?” “When a club is obsessed with something, it is never good,” he warns. “You have to have ambition, but obsession doesn’t work”. That “obsession” had seen PSG churn through head coaches. Thomas Tuchel took them to the final in 2020, where they were beaten 1-0 by Bayern Munich (famously losing to a goal by Paris-born Kingsley Coman), and he was sacked by Christmas. After him, Mauricio Pochettino lasted 18 months, and his successor, Christophe Galtier, did not even manage for a calendar year. Tuchel once said he felt more like “a sports politician or sports minister than a coach,” as PSG’s desperation for European silverware manifested into recruiting ageing talent who had already won it. Lionel Messi, Neymar, Keylor Navas, Dani Alves and Sergio Ramos all arrived in the French capital between 2017 and 2021. Luis Enrique was still clearing out the ‘galacticos’ when he arrived in July 2023. Neymar, Messi and Ramos all left in his first summer, when PSG spent nearly €350million (£294m, $396m) to overhaul the squad and condense multiple windows into one. Buy young, buy good, and buy French (as much as possible) seemed to be the three-point checklist for scouts. Ten of their 13 arrivals were no older than 26. And they got close last season. There were real green shoots. PSG went unbeaten away in Ligue 1 — the first time any team has managed that (OK, the league now has two teams fewer than before) — and scraped their way out of the ‘group of death’ to reach the Champions League semi-finals for the first time in three seasons. Luis Enrique had ended the round-of-16 curse of the two campaigns prior, though there was an overwhelming feeling of a missed opportunity when they were beaten 1-0 in both semi-final legs by Borussia Dortmund, not exactly a European heavyweight. Three days after their exit, Kylian Mbappe’s move to Real Madrid was announced. That felt redolent of a year prior when Messi confirmed his exit (and Neymar then left that August). PSG wanted to be younger, more stylish and high-pressing — i.e., more Barcelona — under Luis Enrique, but there was an understandable reliance on Mbappe’s individual brilliance. They only scored four first-half goals in 12 European matches last season, controlling possession and territory well enough, only to fall back on Mbappe to break the game open after half-time. Eight goals in 2023-24 were his joint-most in a European season, and the rest of the PSG team scored 11 combined. His departure has turned out to be a blessing in disguise. The 44-goal hole of Mbappe has largely been filled by Ousmane Dembele, who has scored 33 this term in all competitions. _How PSG started using Ousmane Dembele as a No 9 and unlocked the form of his life - the club needed a goalscorer after Kylian Mbappe left for Real Madrid — it turns out they had one in their ranks already_ It is one of Luis Enrique’s greatest coaching achievements, and initially seemed bizarre. Dembele, notoriously a wasteful finisher, had 28 goals combined in the previous five seasons, and worked well as a right winger in 2023-24 in tandem with underlapping right-back Achraf Hakimi. Earlier this month, the head coach said the team have “grown a lot” throughout the European campaign. Were it not for the league phase being eight games rather than the old group-stage six, PSG might have gone out: one win, one draw and three defeats in their first five meant they had to be perfect against Red Bull Salzburg, Manchester City and Stuttgart. They were: recording 3-0, 4-2 and 4-1 wins. That City win — PSG’s first comeback from 2-0 down since May 2012, and their only ever in the Champions League — was a coming-of-age performance. They had four different scorers, dominated possession, converted half of their eight big chances and pressed City into all kinds of problems in central midfield. Luis Enrique continues to reshape PSG as they go deeper in the competition. He made 17 changes to starting XIs during the league phase and did not name any unchanged teams. But in the eight knockout matches, there have only been nine changes, mostly switching his wingers, and there was one enforced change when captain Marquinhos was suspended. Last year, he dropped Manuel Ugarte for Fabian Ruiz after five group-stage matches to add much-needed midfield physicality and press resistance. Ugarte had won less than one-third of his duels and PSG lacked the balance they needed for their technicians — Vitinha, especially — to play. Ruiz also offered a left-footed option, and this season has been complemented perfectly by Joao Neves’ arrival from Benfica. PSG’s through balls are up on last year, they rely less on crosses and have managed to sustain the counter-attacking threat that suits their forwards. Khvicha Kvaratskhelia’s January arrival from Napoli has helped too. He is an even better dribbler than Bradley Barcola, the Lyon academy graduate who started the season at left wing and operates best running in behind a high line. Kvaratskhelia brings such ball-carrying quality that opponents tend to double-up, which is exactly how Dembele found space to score away to Arsenal in the semi-final first-leg. That goal was a mirror image of the move for Dembele’s goal at Anfield two rounds prior, with PSG now so settled and balanced that they can use an opponent’s own pressing scheme against them. When midfielders lock on, Dembele drops in as the spare man, hits the winger early, and they flood the box for a cutback. It is some progression from when Real Sociedad’s pressing suffocated PSG in Paris last February. Luis Enrique’s biggest success with PSG is how quickly he has made them well-coached defensively. They used to be known as a top-heavy team with talented but lazy forwards, and now are one of Europe’s best and most aggressive pressing teams. Mbappe’s departure has actually helped; the France international registered more goals than tackles and interceptions combined in seven seasons with PSG. “If you analyse our defensive improvements, it is about the way our attackers defend. They do an exceptional job,” Luis Enrique told reporters on the UEFA media day ahead of the final. “You can see how many ball recoveries they have. This is one of the concepts which is hardest to instil because attackers have to change their mindset. It’s about working as a team — we did that last season, but we’ve been better this year”. This PSG side of 2024-25 are making over five tackles per game more than their 2022-23 iteration, despite having more possession. Luis Enrique’s team allow opponents four passes fewer than Christophe Galtier’s PSG did before making a defensive action, and they are particularly aggressive in midfield. And yet, even the pressing scheme has been tweaked. They had success in Ligue 1 and in early European knockout rounds with a man-to-man approach, notably at home to Liverpool. From the quarter-finals onwards, Luis Enrique went as pragmatic as he ever would. Still pressing high, they shifted to a 3-2-4-1 scheme, keeping left-back Nuno Mendes deeper to support his centre-backs, and setting their wingers onto opposition full-backs — previously, the right winger was positioned on the edge of the penalty area to press with Dembele, leaving Hakimi to jump full-back to full-back, and PSG would often be three-v-three on the halfway line. Dembele is left to lead the press on his own and cut the pitch in half by arcing his press to shut the passing lane between Villa’s centre-backs. It is a team which now looks different — in every sense of the word — to the losers against Bayern five years ago. There is irony and romance in this final being played in Munich, with the good omen that the previous four Champions League/European Cup finals held there have seen a first-time winner: Nottingham Forest in 1979, PSG’s arch-rivals Marseille in 1993, Borussia Dortmund in 1997 and Chelsea in 2012. The only players who remain from the 2020 final squad are Marquinhos and Presnel Kimpembe, the former the captain and a stalwart at centre-back, and the latter with long-standing injury issues. In fact, only five of the starting XI from Luis Enrique’s first PSG Champions League game (a 2-0 win over Borussia Dortmund 20 months ago) remain. It is why PSG president Nasser Al-Khelaifi praised him for a “culture change” in February 2025. Luis Enrique’s contract was extended then through to 2027 — he only arrived on a two-year deal, which was symptomatic of how things had gone for recent PSG coaches. Neymar reacts after defeat in the 2020 Champions League final (Matthew Childs/AFP via Getty Images) “I’m not a fortune teller,” he said at UEFA’s media day when asked if there have been signs all along that it is PSG’s year to win the Champions League. “The best thing is there is nothing special to prepare. We have got to this point based on the football we have played — now we need to keep that going. We can fulfil that dream.”