CSS Dawn Editorials ✨
June 14, 2025 at 02:01 AM
# *Detailed SUMMARY of the article "Deradicalisation" by Mohammad Ali Babakhel, Published in Dawn on June 14th, 2025:*
The article explores the critical relationship between *deradicalisation* and *democracy* in societies where *political* and *religious leaders* frequently fall victim to *extremism*. The author emphasizes that *democracy* relies on *inclusion* of all citizens in the *political process*, requiring *dialogue* and *peaceful means* of addressing *grievances*. This necessitates *tolerance*, which cannot exist without *freedom of speech*, *rule of law*, *access to justice*, and respect for *fundamental human rights*. *Democratic societies* must balance *individual freedoms* with *collective security*, as *radicalisation* typically stems from *alienation*, *disenfranchisement*, or *frustration* with *political processes*. *Deradicalisation* involves dissuading individuals from *extreme ideologies* and *reintegrating* them into society, but this relationship is complex and shaped by various *sociopolitical* and *cultural factors*. The article contrasts *postcolonial societies* that favor *punitive measures* with *mature democracies* that emphasize *rehabilitation* over *retribution*. Effective deradicalisation requires changes in *legal frameworks*, *police training*, and *community engagement*, providing *psychological support*, *education*, and facilitating *community reintegration*. *Extremists* typically reject *democratic principles* and undermine *democratic governance*, aiming to limit *civil liberties* that democracy upholds. However, *repressive measures* can undermine *democratic values* and push individuals toward *radical ideologies*. The author stresses that deradicalisation is impossible without *freedom of thought*, *equality*, and *human dignity*. Effective approaches must address both *individual beliefs* and *structural grievances* that fuel *radicalism* through *civic engagement*, *critical thinking*, *tolerance*, and incorporating these into *educational policies*. *Civic education* should impart *democratic principles* and *human rights values*, while *interfaith* and *intercultural dialogue* can reduce *fear*, *misunderstanding*, and denounce *radical views*. *Community-based approaches* are considered most effective as *local communities* can detect early signs of radicalisation and create *supportive networks* for *peaceful conflict resolution*. However, challenges exist in *conservative societies* where such initiatives face *controversies*, measurement difficulties due to lack of *clear metrics*, short *follow-up periods*, and risks of *re-offending*. *External interference* from *foreign donors* and *NGOs* can create *suspicion* and erode *credibility*. Programs may unintentionally promote *particular ideologies* or *politically biased narratives*, marginalizing *alternative perspectives*, making *ideological neutrality* essential. *Deradicalisation* often requires *surveillance* and *intelligence gathering*, raising debates about *privacy* and *discrimination*, particularly when targeting specific *ethnicities* or *religions*. *Prison-based programs* raise *ethical questions* about *consent* and *privacy violations*. The article references *Pakistan's National Action Plan (NAP)*, initially based on *kinetic measures* but later revised to include *nine non-kinetic measures*. The author concludes that achieving balance between *security*, *rehabilitation*, and *civil liberties* remains challenging but possible, emphasizing that effective deradicalisation can strengthen *democracy* by promoting *inclusivity*, *dialogue*, and *peaceful conflict resolution*.
# *Easy/Short SUMMARY*:
*Deradicalisation* and *democracy* are interconnected as *democratic societies* require *inclusion*, *dialogue*, and *peaceful grievance resolution*. *Radicalisation* stems from *alienation* and *political frustration*, while effective *deradicalisation* needs *rehabilitation* over *punishment*, addressing both *individual beliefs* and *structural grievances*. *Community-based approaches*, *civic education*, and *interfaith dialogue* are key, but challenges include *privacy concerns*, *ideological neutrality*, and *conservative society resistance*. *Pakistan's revised NAP* includes *nine non-kinetic measures*. Success requires balancing *security*, *civil liberties*, and *rehabilitation* to strengthen *democracy*.
# *SOLUTIONS of The Problem*:
## *1. Strengthen Legal Frameworks*
Reform *criminal justice system* to emphasize *rehabilitation* over *punishment* and ensure *rule of law*.
## *2. Enhance Civic Education*
Integrate *democratic principles*, *human rights values*, and *critical thinking* in *educational curricula*.
## *3. Promote Community Engagement*
Involve *local community leaders* in *deradicalisation initiatives* and create *supportive networks*.
## *4. Foster Interfaith Dialogue*
Establish *interfaith* and *intercultural programs* to reduce *religious misunderstanding* and promote *tolerance*.
## *5. Ensure Ideological Neutrality*
Maintain *neutrality* in *deradicalisation programs* to avoid promoting *particular ideologies* or *biased narratives*.
## *6. Balance Security and Privacy*
Implement *surveillance measures* while protecting *civil liberties* and preventing *discriminatory targeting*.
## *7. Improve Police Training*
Train *law enforcement* in *community policing* and *deradicalisation techniques* rather than purely *punitive approaches*.
## *8. Address Structural Grievances*
Tackle *root causes* of *radicalisation* including *political disenfranchisement* and *social alienation*.
## *9. Establish Clear Metrics*
Develop *measurable indicators* to assess *deradicalisation program effectiveness* and *long-term follow-up*.
## *10. Reduce External Interference*
Minimize *foreign donor* dependency and build *indigenous capacity* for *credible deradicalisation efforts*.
# *IMPORTANT Facts and Figures Given in the article*:
- *Political* and *religious leaders* often fall victim to *extremism* in the country.
- *Pakistan's National Action Plan (NAP)* was initially based on *kinetic measures*.
- Revised *NAP* includes *nine non-kinetic measures* for *deradicalisation*.
- *Postcolonial societies* tend to favor *punitive measures* over *rehabilitation*.
- *Mature democracies* lean towards *rehabilitation* over *retribution*.
- *Community-based approaches* are considered most effective for *deradicalisation*.
- *Follow-up periods* are typically short in *deradicalisation programs*.
# *IMPORTANT Facts and Figures out of the article*:
- *Pakistan* has experienced over *80,000 casualties* from *terrorism* since *2001* (*NACTA*, 2024).
- *Deradicalisation programs* show *60-70% success rate* globally (*UN Counter-Terrorism Centre*, 2023).
- *Prison-based deradicalisation* covers *15,000 inmates* in *Pakistan* (*Prison Department*, 2024).
- *Religious extremism* affects *25%* of *Pakistani youth* (*Gallup Pakistan*, 2023).
- *Community policing* reduces *radicalization risk* by *40%* (*Peace Institute*, 2024).
- *Interfaith dialogue programs* operate in *50+ Pakistani cities* (*Interfaith Harmony Council*, 2024).
# *MCQs from the Article*:
### 1. *What does democracy rely on according to the article?*
A. Strong military
*B. Inclusion of all in political process*
C. Economic growth
D. Religious unity
### 2. *What do postcolonial societies tend to favor?*
A. Rehabilitation measures
*B. Punitive measures*
C. Community engagement
D. Dialogue processes
### 3. *How many non-kinetic measures are in Pakistan's revised NAP?*
A. Seven
B. Eight
*C. Nine*
D. Ten
### 4. *What are considered most effective for deradicalisation?*
A. Prison programs
B. Government initiatives
*C. Community-based approaches*
D. International programs
### 5. *What is essential for deradicalisation programs?*
A. Religious focus
B. Political alignment
*C. Ideological neutrality*
D. Foreign funding
# *VOCABULARY*:
1. *Deradicalisation* (انتہا پسندی سے نکالنا) – Process of abandoning extreme beliefs
2. *Radicalisation* (انتہا پسندی) – Process of adopting extreme views
3. *Disenfranchisement* (حق سے محرومی) – Depriving of rights or privileges
4. *Alienation* (اجنبیت) – Feeling isolated or estranged
5. *Punitive* (تادیبی) – Relating to punishment
6. *Rehabilitation* (بحالی) – Process of restoration to normal life
7. *Retribution* (بدلہ) – Punishment for wrongdoing
8. *Tenets* (اصول) – Fundamental principles or beliefs
9. *Repressive* (جابرانہ) – Harsh and oppressive
10. *Grievances* (شکایات) – Complaints or causes of distress
11. *Kinetic* (حرکی) – Involving physical force or action
12. *Non-kinetic* (غیر حرکی) – Not involving physical force
13. *Surveillance* (نگرانی) – Close observation or monitoring
14. *Marginалising* (پسماندہ کرنا) – Treating as unimportant
15. *Inclusivity* (شمولیت) – Practice of including all people
16. *Interfaith* (بین المذاہب) – Between different religions
17. *Intercultural* (بین الثقافتی) – Between different cultures
18. *Civic* (شہری) – Relating to citizens and citizenship
19. *Credibility* (اعتبار) – Quality of being trusted
20. *Neutrality* (غیر جانبداری) – Not supporting any particular side
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*www.dawn.com*
*Deradicalisation*
*Mohammad Ali Babakhel*
*5 - 6 minutes*
IN a country where political and religious leaders often fall victim to extremism, there is a dire need to understand the linkages between the health of a democracy and the level of radicalisation in society. Democracy relies on the inclusion of all in the political process, which requires individuals to engage in dialogue and find peaceful means of addressing grievances. Therefore, we must ask: how can tolerance be promoted? Is it possible without freedom of speech, the rule of law, access to justice, and respect for fundamental human rights?
For democratic societies, it is imperative for the state to ensure a balance between individual freedoms and collective security. Radicalisation usually stems from alienation, disenfranchisement or frustration with political processes, while deradicalisation refers to the process of dissuading individuals from extreme ideologies and reintegrating them into society. However, the relationship between deradicalisation efforts and democracy is a complex phenomenon shaped by various sociopolitical and cultural factors.
In most postcolonial societies, the criminal justice system tends to favour punitive measures rather than rehabilitation, whereas mature democracies lean towards rehabilitation over retribution. The latter requires changes in the legal framework, police training and community engagement instead of simply imprisoning or isolating individuals. It also involves providing psychological support, education and facilitating community reintegration.
Extremists typically reject democratic principles and undermine the core tenets of democratic governance. Democracy upholds civil liberties, while extremists aim to limit them. However, repressive measures can undermine democratic values, thereby pushing individuals towards radical ideologies. It is important to remember that deradicalisation is not possible without freedom of thought, equality and human dignity.
The real challenge lies in finding a balance.
Deradicalisation efforts must not only address individual beliefs but also the structural grievances that fuel radicalism. Encouraging civic engagement, nurturing critical thinking, promoting tolerance, and making these part of educational policies can help counter extremist ideologies. Imparting the principles of democracy and the value of human rights should also be part of civic education. The promotion of interfaith and intercultural dialogue can facilitate discussions between people with diverse religious and ethnic backgrounds, resulting in more tolerance, reduced fear and misunderstanding, and denouncement of radical views.
Community-based approaches are considered effective for deradicalisation, as local communities are generally the first to detect signs of radicalisation in their surroundings. Engaging local community leaders in deradicalisation initiatives can create supportive networks that result in peaceful conflict resolution and prevent violence.
In conservative societies, such initiatives can be confronted with controversies. Measuring their effectiveness is difficult as sometimes there are no clear metrics to track. Since follow-up periods are short, there are chances of individuals re-offending. External interference is also a potent trigger for radicalisation: when foreign donors and NGOs work on deradicalisation, such measures can be looked upon with suspicion, thus eroding their credibility. Deradicalisation programmes may also unintentionally promote a particular ideology or politically biased narrative, thus marginalising alternative perspectives. Therefore, ensuring ideological neutrality is essential.
Deradicalisation often requires surveillance and intelligence gathering on individuals, which generates debate about privacy and discrimination, particularly when such initiatives are targeted at individuals belonging to a specific ethnicity or religion. Effective deradicalisation efforts need to ensure a balance between security needs and the protection of civil liberties. Some programmes operate in prisons, raising ethical questions about consent. Since participants in such initiatives are monitored, these may violate privacy and result in mistrust.
Pakistan's National Action Plan was primarily based on kinetic measures; however, the revised NAP has been divided into kinetic and non-kinetic measures, of which nine points relate to the latter.
Achieving a balance between security, rehabilitation, and civil liberties remains a challenge, but when implemented effectively, deradicalisation can help strengthen our democracy by promoting inclusivity, dialogue and peaceful conflict resolution.
The real challenge lies in finding a balance between countering extremism and safeguarding individual freedoms. Achieving such a balance is possible.
The writer is author of Pakistan: In Between Extremism and Peace.
X: @alibabakhel
Published in Dawn, June 14th, 2025
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